Case Analysis Of ZipCar

Case Analysis Of ZipCar Zipcar was established in 1999 and it is a leading company in the car sharing industry in North America with a strong presence in the U.S., Canada and Europe (Goldman S., May 2008). The company has 200000 members in 50 markets and concentrates on businesses, residential areas and universities (Goldman S., May 2008). Their vision is â€Å"†Providing reliable and convenient access to on-demand transportation, complementing other means of mobility.†Ã¢â‚¬  (Goldman S., May 2008) The company car fleet consists of 5000 cars that include hybrid vehicles, SUVs and sedans (Goldman S., May 2008). Their business is concentrated on a small market where people need to rent a car on an hourly basis instead of daily basis. The customers can reserve a car online and use an RFID card called the zipcard to enter the reserved car by swiping the card on the reader near the driver’s windshield (Pearlson, K., Saunders, C. (2009)). Other than having a unique service Zipcar employs pow erful technology to support its business model (Pearlson, K., Saunders, C. (2009)). They have a patented wireless technology that is used to monitor car security, feul level, hourly usage and other features (Pearlson, K., Saunders, C. (2009)) . Zipcar has developed a unique business model and supported it with appropriate technology which makes it a unique business. Regarding the bargaining power of buyers, Zipcar service is considered unique and the market they are targeting is considered niche. Since it is hard to find a service like the one provided by Zipcar and the market is small the buyers bargaining power is low. The other substitute available is renting cars by day which is not convenient for some of the customers. Public transportation and car ownership is another alternative but it may be costly due to the rising fuel prices. In the other traditional car rental companies the customers have to wait for long to get their car. By using Zipcar they can find a nearby car witho ut waiting which is more convenient. In addition, Zipcar has an established brand name and a strong identity which makes the customers more attached to it. With a unique service and an established brand name Zipcar customers cannot be high on price sensitivity and their bargaining power is reduced. Concerning the bargaining power of suppliers, most of the suppliers for Zipcar are not concentrated. Insurers, gas providers and car agencies can be considered among the suppliers of Zipcar. All of these work in competitive markets. There are several insurers, car agencies and gas providers and Zipcar can chose among them which makes the bargaining power of suppliers low. However, Zipcar needs parking spaces and auto services which can be beneficial for the supplier. Parking spaces can be owned by a government authority or a business establishment. Zipcar may need to build and maintain relationships with these entities to get the parking spaces especially if the government or the establis hment owns a huge parking area. This way the supplier might have the upper hand since Zipcar needs those spaces near the customers. Also, the cars that Zipcar uses need services which makes the company limited to a very few suppliers to provide this service. Since cars are the basis for the business, Zipcar needs to choose one reliable supplier for the car service. Therefore, parking area owners and car service providers can be considered powerful suppliers.

China as a super power Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

China as a super power - Term Paper Example On March 4, 2007, China announced that it was going to increase its military to a total of 45 billion dollars (Tkacik, 2007). This was the biggest annual increase in China’s military budget; however, China was quick to reassure the world that there was no need to worry by calling the increment normal. A further look into this increment indicated that China has an intention to challenge the United States’ military supremacy. This could lead to a situation where China is the United States’ single competitor with regard to influence and military supremacy. China’s air force and space activity is on the rise. The army in China has got roughly 300 Russian fourth generation flankers; it has also got several homemade Jian-11 planes and 76 Sukhoi multi-role fighter jets. Russia and Israel assisted the Chinese air force in procuring 50 Jian-10 fighter jets. These jets were based on the United States F-16 technology. China has intentions to build more of these plane s. China has increased its production and deployment of the short-range ballistic missiles which are said to be aimed at Taiwan. This production has grown from 50 per year in 1990s to 150 missiles annually today. The industries that produce such missiles in China are said to grow at the same pace. In general, China’s rocket soldiers and its air force are expanding at an unprecedented pace. According to China’s 2006 White Paper, there is evidence that China is moving to offensive. This military might of China is growing from regional to trans-regional mobility. The air to ground military capacity has also grown, including long distance maneuvers and exceptional operations. The Chinese navy has grown in strength into a force that can operate in the maritime operations and can ably handle nuclear counterattacks. The Chinese air force has continued to increase its capabilities to strike, tried to procure air and missile defense shield systems and is looking into more offen sive and defensive operations. All these are an early warning shot of the Chinese reconnaissance. According to a report by Congress, China’s policy is now global and extremely bold. China has always been underrated and many times the United States said that China has not acquired the status of a super power. Thomas Jefferson, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, observed that the United States had to trade all over the world if it had to become a global power economically. Beijing’s assessment is that it has grown to the extent that its economic growth depends on foreign markets. This also includes the natural resources from other countries around the world. China‘s economy has been growing rapidly, and China is seeking military might that can protect this growth. This is similar to Jefferson’s observation that the United Stated had to build its military strength if it was to safeguard its military strength globally. It seems that the rise of the Pe ople’s Republic of China is both legitimate and inevitable (McLean, 2007). However, according to Condoleezza Rice, the former Secretary of State of the United States, the US needs to help China operate within the international rules framework before it has fully acquires the status of a military super power. Many view the rise of China as an exceedingly dangerous happening. Why does Bleicher think the fears are overblown? According to Samuel Bleicher, the idea that China is an emerging super power is a creation of the media. He believes s that

Jean Watson's Theory of Caring Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Jean Watson's Theory of Caring - Essay Example In the modern days, caring science is a field of study that has many disciplines of study that includes nursing, feminist study, ecology, philosophy, arts and other humanities. Application of Jean Watson’s theory The Jean Watson’s theory has been applied in several ways as the literature in the theory suggests. The theory has been used in the creation of a humanistic system. These are values which develop at an early stage of the nurse. They can also develop as a result of sharing with parents and the people around him or her. Life experiences and personal exposure to the real world can also create these humanistic values in the life of a nurse. These experiences  have of great  necessity  in nurse’s maturation, this in return leads to the development of altruistic nature of the nurse towards other people (Watson, 1999). Hope and faith of nurses  are some of the traits that have been  greatly improved by the creation of this theory. Faith and hope are v ery essential character traits that every nurse should possess. The theory describes it to be of great importance for both carative as well as curative stages. When the doctor has no more to offer to the patient the nurse should use the faith and hope aspects to show a sense of recovery to the patient (Watson, 1999). The theory has also enabled the nurse to cultivate sensitivity to oneself and to his or her patients. If a nurse is willing to hold a genuine conversation between himself and the patient he needs to be in the same emotional state as the one with the patient. As the nurse becomes more sensitive he or she also develops an authentic value. This encourages the nurse in self growth as well as self-actualization to both the nurse and other people whom he or she interacts with. When a personal relationship  has been   developed, there is a higher level of functioning and also the promotion of health (Watson, 1999). The theory has been used in the creation of a helpful and trustful relationship. This can be described as the strongest tool in a relationship because it demonstrates caring for each other. The major characteristics that the nurse holds in order to develop this kind of relationship are warmth which is demonstrated towards the patient, empathy which shows that the nurse Cleary understands what the patient is going through and congruence. The nurse employs the use of both verbal and nonverbal methods to make the communication effective (Watson, 1999). The theory has also been used to improve the use scientific process as one way of solving problems. The design is very necessary in a nursing career as it is the most important decision making tool. The scientific method of solving problems is the only available method that enables prediction and control. The process also offers a room for self-correction. The theory has preferably described the caring science as one should not always be objective and neutral. The theory also promotes the learn ing and teaching role. This is vital because the nurse needs to focus on learning from others as well as teaching them (Watson, 1999). Framework of Jean Watson’s theory The theory describes the nursing process to be carried out in a number of steps. This will provide a platform for decision making in the workplace. The use of the theory will greatly help in solving problems in the structure. The first step in decision making is achieved by assessing the issue at hand. This can also be termed as the problem. The assessment of the problem is

Faculty of management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Faculty of management - Essay Example According to her, Canadian businesses have stagnant growth because they not only lack resources but they have also not enough motivation for growth. Canadian Banks have conservative notions about businesses that discourage people to be creative. She nevertheless thinks that some of the government initiatives like Canada Export Development and Sustainable development Technologies have encouraged businesses to exploit new opportunities of growth in emerging economies. I agree with Allen that businesses must innovate to compete and expand. But at the same time, government must create facilitating environment for growth. In the current environment of advancing technology and globalization, business has become highly competitive. Moreover, process of globalization has changed the dynamics of global business. Emerging markets of South East Asia, Middle East and BRIC countries offer huge potential for businesses. They are high growth markets with high income where demand for new product can be easily created (Hook, 2001). This is a very important factor that must be exploited by the business community. Growth of business contributes to the growth and development of nations. Thus, it becomes imperative that businesses must constantly make efforts to expand and grow. R&D facilities promote innovation of ideas, new product development and innovation in business processes for greater productivity. Furthermore, innovative approach and resource based strategy provide the firms with unique value creating capabilities that give them distinct advantage against their rivals. As such, they emerge as critical elem ents that facilitate businesses to compete successfully and grow even in adverse circumstances (Coombe and Georghiou, 2002). Indeed, government initiatives are major incentives for businesses to look for new opportunities and motivate them for diversifying their interests. But unless and until they are backed by conducive environment of growth,

The Xenophobia Through The Social Theory Sociology Essay

The Xenophobia Through The Social Theory Sociology Essay In this essay Id like to analyze the phenomenon of xenophobia in Ukraine. This topic corresponds to the issue of limits of tolerance. To start this paper its crucial to define what the tolerance is. Basically tolerance is will or capability to endure, allow and accept the existing opinion or behaviour, which the person dislikes or disagrees with. This definition makes it clear that the ties between two notions of tolerance and xenophobia are undoubted. The context, in which the xenophobia is investigated here, is quiet interesting. Ukraine has got its independence in 1991, but before that for almost 400 centuries (with the exception of few years during the interwar period) it was a part of different Russian empires, Polish states and Habsburg Empire. Therefore, the conditions of Ukrainian nation formation were really interesting. To my mind this process is still in progress, thats why nowadays we have such an interesting case of xenophobia phenomenon there. The question my essay is going to answer is: What are the reasons of xenophobia in Ukraine? To answer it I need to fulfill following steps: 1. To review the contemporary approaches to the studying of xenophobia. 2. To analyze the results of two sociological researches on xenophobia in the state in 1995 and 2006. 3. To propose and analyze the reasons of xenophobia in Ukraine. The structure of my essay is closely related to the steps, which I mentioned above. Therefore, the first part will give the theoretical basis for the data analysis, which will be done in the second part. The third part will be more theoretical as Im going to find out which reasons play the key role for xenophobia level in Ukraine. The central place in the logic of my essay is occupied by the results of researches made by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, one of the leading sociology research agencies in Ukraine. As I mentioned above two researches were made in 1995 and 2006 correspondently. During each of these researches a little bit more than 2000 people were interviewed. The results of these researches are representative for the adult population of Ukraine (18+). Part 1. Theory overview 1.1. Xenophobia through the social theory Before turning to statistical data it is crucial to see which theoretical basis this topic has, thats why I decided to look at xenophobia through the prism of social science theories. The generally accepted content of the notion of xenophobia can be expressed by the following theses: 1. This is the condition of fear towards strangers or simply something unknown, unusual and strange; 2. Hatred, intolerance and hostility towards representatives of other races, religion, culture, foreigners or representatives of other regions as well as towards something unknown, unusual and strange.  [1]   This definition proves that the phenomenon of xenophobia has not only individual character, but also has the social nature as it is made of social reasons, factors of influence and consequences. Basically, the investigation of xenophobia is grounded on the following sociological concepts and theoretical explications: Other, Strange, identification, ethnocentrism, cultural compatibility, nation and nationalism, collective ideas, tolerance and racism. The notion of xenophobia is ontologically connected to the categories of Other and Strange. G. W. F. Gegel, E. Gusserl, M. Haidegger and others made a great contribution to the development and investigation of these categories. It is crucial to mention that the Other is not obligatory the Strange. According to G. Simmel, B. Vandelfels and E. Goffman the Strangers are not simply unknown people, but they are uninvited guests in ones world, who are not going to leave it. They come today to stay here tomorrow, but even if they stay they continue being the strangers. In other words, getting closer physically doesnt mean becoming closer spiritually. The realization of Their existance allows us to constitute ourselves and to isolate our We from them.  [2]  From this point of view xenophobia fits the theory We (not strange) They (the Strange) very well. The next dimension, which xenophobia can be investigated through, is the concepts of identities. In different times the problem of identity and identification was developed by E. Fromm, G. H. Mead, A. Giddens, E. Erickson, J. Habermas, K. Horney, E. Smith, etc. People have numerous identities, force and volume of which varies depending on different factors. The structure of identity develops during the whole life according to the change of social context. Identification has opposite nature and foreknows the statement that they are different from us. The beginning of xenophobia can be seen when the stating of peculiarity is replaced with hard valuating contrasting (they are worse than we are, we are their victims, etc.).  [3]  Usually it is connected with the phenomenon of negative identification, when self-affirmation occurs through the humiliation of others. To my mind this approach to xenophobia is very logical and well-grounded. In time of globalization in contemporary societies the ethnic (national) community predominates in peoples identification. Respectively, the issue of ethnic identity gains a great value and a special status. From this point of view in such a situation ethnic identity causes intolerance towards representatives of other ethnic groups.  [4]  Here we can see how xenophobia is born as a result of the Others deviation from the accepted by majority unitary cultural norm and the xenophobic person considers him/herself to be the standard of this cultural norm. To my opinion its time to turn to the theories of ethnocentrism and cultural compatibility. The notion of ethnocentrism was introduced by L. Gumplowicz and was defined as the reasons, which make every people believe that it occupies the highest place not only among the contemporary peoples and nations, but also comparing to all peoples of the past.  [5]  For ethnocentrism it is typically: 1. To accept own group as a standard for the evaluation of other groups (own is always right, natural and the best). It causes groups inner consolidation; 2. To recognize the other groups as worse ones. Its accompanied by hostility, distrust and disrespect to the members of other groups. These tendencies can exist separately from each other, but for xenophobia the last feature is obligatory condition. So, this is how xenophobia can be studied from the ethnocentrism point of view. Considering xenophobia its important to stress that xenophobic world-view includes negative collective ideas, social stereotypes and prejudices. The stereotypes can have neutral or even positive character, but xenophobia is a consequence of negative stereotypes only. These negative stereotypes influence much the formation of social consciousness, defines the disfigured way of social and cross-cultural communication. This phenomenon is common for individuals and social groups. Therefore, to understand xenophobia it is crucial to investigate the stereotypes of social environment, but not the individuals prejudice. From the point of xenophobia its more logical to speak about collective ideas (the notion proposed by E. Durkheim).  [6]   During the end of 19th beginning of 20th centuries the racial myths became a part of nationalistic arguments. Therefore, the overview of approaches to investigate xenophobia wont be full without turning to theory of nations and nationalism. Diverse understanding of nation is expressed in different approaches of understanding of nationalism. In contemporary tradition of national studies nationalism is characterized as either neutral, or good, and only sometimes as negative phenomenon. The discussion around the question of nation and nationalism still takes place. But there is no doubt that the radical aggressive manifestation of nationalism (chauvinism) is one of xenophobia types. For sure, xenophobia should be considered in terms of bipolarity, when its other pole is the phenomenon of tolerance. One of the ways to analyze xenophobia is to observe its opposite side. The notion of tolerance was discussed in works of M. Weber, G. W. F. Gegel, T. Hobbes, J. Locke and others. The real revolution of tolerance theory was made by the theory of personal autonomy of J. St. Mill. He claimed the authority of individual freedom. An individual is absolutely sovereign in his actions. His/her freedom can be limited if his actions harm or trouble other members of society. Starting from the times when this theory was elaborated the principle of personal freedom became the basis of toleration and human rights in liberal theory.  [7]   Thereby, this overview provides an understanding of existing approaches to investigate xenophobia as social phenomenon. I named and discussed briefly basic theories to approach intolerance expressed in xenophobia. The concepts of Other, Strange, identification, ethnocentrism, cultural compatibility, nation and nationalism, collective ideas, tolerance and racism constructed the basis for further investigation of the issue Im interested in. For me the central place in this overview is taken by identity and issues related to it. In this essay we are going to see how human (social) identity influences xenophobia in Ukrainian case. Nevertheless, I would assume that all named above theories are applicable for the case, which is discussed in this paper, but Im going to stress on the most important just for that very case of Ukraine. Part 2. Analysis of empirical data 2.1. Bogardus scale Its important to describe Bogardus scale briefly as this method was used for the researches, results of which are going to be discussed in this paper. The  testing scale of xenophobia was named after its creator Emory S. Bogardus. It was elaborated to estimate willingness of people to take part in social contacts on different levels with representatives of varying social groups (for instance, different  ethnic, racial  and  socio-lingual groups,  sexual minorities, etc).  [8]   The Bogardus scale asks how close people would accept the representative of each group, which research interested in (the answer 1.00 represents no social distance at all as its the closest possible social contact): to accept as family member (no social distance); as the close friends; as neighbors; as colleague; as the citizens  of the same country; as the  visitors  of the country, where responder is coming from; the responder wants to exclude this person from his/her country.  [9]   The Scale of Xenophobia proposed by Bogardus is based on the method of cumulating as the respondents answer, the social distance, which the respondent chooses, means that he/she also accepts bigger social distances (according to the scale) with a member of social group, which he-she asked about. This method was criticized much, because it simplified the meaning of different social contacts, because family relations as well as close friendship cant be compared to interactions of far-away type. Nevertheless, this scale started being used in 1925 and is still used. This is not the only way to measure social distance, but it was applied for the researches, which are discussed in this paper. 2.2. Xenophobia in Ukraine. General overview To make the general overview of xenophobia in the country the best way is to see the dynamics of xenophobia rates change in time. Lets see the Figure 1, which represents the table comparing the xenophobia index in Ukraine in 1995 and 2006. Its obvious that in Ukraine the xenophobia index towards all ethnic, ethnic-lingual and racial groups presented in the table increased. Hierarchy of dislikes almost didnt change except of Americans, intolerance towards who increased of 0.9 points. Ethnic/Racial/Ethnic-lingual Group 1995 2006 Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians 1,72 2,06 Russian-speaking Ukrainians 1,84 2,23 Russians 2,05 2,39 Jews 3,71 4,13 Polishes 3,82 4,37 Germans 3,92 4,56 Americans 3,72 4,63 Black people 5,01 5,42 Figure 1. The xenophobia index in Ukraine towards several ethnic/racial/ethnic-lingual groups. 1995 and 2006.  [10]   The table also shows that the highest rate of intolerance was towards black people, the members of different racial group, both in 1995 and in 2006. Intolerance rates towards the representatives of different ethnic groups, which are culturally distant (Americans and Europeans), are a bit lower comparing to the black people. The smallest social distances are towards ethnically and culturally close ethnic groups. To observe the real picture of xenophobia it is crucial to consider the following percentage of those, who according the researches results wanted the member of other nations to become the member of their families. So, 59% of Ukrainian population want to accept Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainian as a family member, 13% of responders said yes to accepting Americans as their families and only 5% considered as possible to include a black person to their family. Moreover, the percentage of those, who wouldnt let the representatives of the named above groups in Ukraine, makes the picture even more impressive: 0,5% of responders dont want to see Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians in Ukraine (!), 9% are against Americans presence in the state and 21% of population said no to black peoples arrival to Ukraine.  [11]   There are some basic theories of xenophobic dislikes. So Im going to see in which ways the xenophobia is usually explained by the theorists of this phenomenon in Europe and the USA. According to Theodor W. Adorno intolerance is an element of authoritarian system, which depresses personality and makes people seek for some objects to wreak their anger on. But this theory has nothing in common with image of scapegoat, because this object should be historically grounded and perform as incontestable element of tradition and it has to be defined quite well by the existing well-known stereotypes  [12]  . He created this theory regarding anti-Semitism and ethnical prejudice in authoritarian societies. Investigating post-war intolerance in the USA and Germany he didnt probably realize the topicality of his invention for the democratic Eastern Europe in 1990s and even 2000s. Another theory, which can be relevant for the Ukrainian case and is worse to be considered, is economic theory. Its explanation is quiet different, but fits Ukrainian reality for my mind. Gordon W. Allport argued that prejudice increases when the members of different unequal ethnic and racial groups contact each other, when one group dominates the other one. It means that not every experience of contact with representatives of other ethnical groups leads to decreasing of stereotypes. In other words the experience of interaction between members of different ethnic/racial groups is positive and successful if only they are equal by social status and they do not compete against each other.  [13]   The theory of cognitive-linguistic orientation stresses on the fact that stereotypes are to simplify the communication inside the social group and to strengthen sense of belonging to this social group between its members. This rule especially works during the radical social change periods, when group interests and mechanism of group protection form.  [14]   Three theories were proposed, which to my mind explain xenophobia in Europe and the USA well. Moreover, it fits Ukrainian case as Ukraine belongs to post-authoritarian states of Eastern Europe, which face a lot of difficulties on the way of following the democracy and improving democratic values in societies, thats why we can assume that authoritarian personality, who is intolerant to others, is still widespread. Following the second theory we can also suppose transformation of economy to lead to phobia increase on the ground of economical competition. The opening of Ukrainian market after the years of closed plan economy faced and is facing resistance from ordinary Ukrainian. Im sure that low living standard caused by economical instability and weak economy of Ukraine led to the fear of new economic reality, which is followed by intolerance increase. Unfortunately any comparisons of Ukraine to other states are senseless as Ukrainian xenophobia situation is quite different because of intolerant attitude of Ukrainians towards each other and even themselves. This peculiarity makes me look deeper for other possible reasons of xenophobia in Ukraine; otherwise the reasons named above would be enough. 2.3. Xenophobia in Ukraine: internal dimension The results of the researches, which are discussed in this paper, were also analyzed on the basis of the geographical division. Usually Ukraine is divided into two ethnic-lingual parts East and West, but KIIS divided it into 5 sub-regions (see Figure 2). Figure 2. Map of Ukraine: this dimension is used for data analysis in 2006. 2 orange parts are Ukrainian-speaking and 3 blue sub-regions are mostly Russian-speaking.  [15]   The detailed analysis of ethnic evaluations and attitudes, which were made on the basis of this researchs results (see the Figure 3), declared that Eastern and Western parts of Ukraine differ from each other by the level and character of xenophobia attitudes. From the table presented below it is possible to see that the level of xenophobia is higher among the Western Ukrainians than among the population of Eastern Ukrain. The table, which shows the xenophobia rate by large Ukrainian ethnic-lingual groups, is also presented below (see Figure 4). This table as well as the previous one shows the percentage of respondents who agree to accept the representative of these large ethnic-lingual groups as a family member. The lower the percentage is, the higher rate of xenophobia is. to accept as a family member West, % W.-C., % E.- C., % South, % East, % Ukrain.-speaking Ukrainian 58,5 65 57,5 58 52 Rus.-speaking Ukrainians 27 62 57 65,5 62 Russians 19 52 55 58 62 Jews 7 15 10 23 11 Figure 3. Willingness to accept representative of large ethnic-social groups as a family member by regions (2006).  [16]  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   to accept as family member All respondents of 2006, % U-s Ukrainians, % R-s Ukrainians, % Russians, % Ukrain.-speaking Ukrainian 59 60 61 53 Rus.-speaking Ukrainian 55 42 64 67 Russian 49 33 56 74 Jew 14 9 17 20 Figure 4. Willingness of large Ukrainian ethnic-lingual groups to accept the representative of these groups as a family member (2006).  [17]     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   So, according to these tables the highest level of intolerance towards related cultural and ethnic groups is in the Western Ukraine and among Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians. The data of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine claims that the situation was the same in 1992  [18]  . The highest xenophobia rate in this region and among this group of Ukrainians is towards Jews and Russians comparing to the other ethnic-lingual groups. The tables data also show that both groups of Ukrainians, Ukrainian-speaking and Russian-speaking, has a low-level tolerance towards the members of their own groups. Only 60-64% of respondents agree to accept a member of their ethnic-lingual group as a family member. Thereby, in this part the results of researches made by KIIS in 1995 and 2006 were analyzed. The general overview of xenophobia level in Ukraine indicated the most tolerated and not tolerated groups. From this point of view Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians were the most tolerated group in Ukrainian society, but black people were tolerated much less. In general during 1995-2006 the level of xenophobia increased much. I turned to three theories to ground the xenophobia: Adornos depressed personality theory, economic and cognitive-linguistic theories. Post-socialist depression, the fear of new economic realities and low economic development of country (causing the low standard of living), dominance of stereotypes in interaction/communication with representatives of other ethnic and racial groups represent main social reasons for high level of xenophobia in a country. The increase of it can be explained by long-term no change in socio-economic situation in the state. Of course, these theori es explains partly the xenophobia in Ukraine, but to my mind Ukrainian case needs detailed individual approach as it has peculiarities. The Ukrainian xenophobia peculiarity is xenophobia inside dominant national community. According to KIIS data of 2006 there is xenophobic tension between Ukrainian-speaking and Russian speaking groups of Ukrainians. Moreover, there is xenophobia inside each of these groups towards the members of each of them. This part of the paper declared the low level of tolerance in Ukrainian society towards all possible ethic-lingual/ethnic/racial groups. To my mind there are three different ways to explain this phenomenon of intolerance in the Western Ukraine. Part 3. Theoretical argumentation of research results 3.1. Structural theory The first explanation is based on the structure of peoples settlements as from this point of view the Western Ukrainian region is quite different from the Eastern part. Statistics are quite interesting, they show that half of the Western population lives in countryside, but only 10% of Eastern Ukrainians live in villages.  [19]  Its crucial to emphasize that difference between the urban and rural areas is still very big in the meaning of education and wealth. In some villages it is even hard to get access to the basic school education. The villagers are less educated than townsmen are, thats why its possible to assume that the level of education is higher on the East than on the West of Ukraine. This can partly explain the xenophobia level differences in both regions of Ukraine. This approach was called structural (the structure of settlements) by sociologists  [20]  . The lower toleration level in rural areas can be also grounded on economic factors. During the independence period the economic situation became much worse in countryside comparing to cities. Here we can go back to T. W. Adornos theory about depressed personality. In contemporary Ukrainian village we have classical case, when people being unsatisfied with their life blame other people in their misfortune. In Western Ukrainian case Jews, Russians and Russian-speaking Ukrainians are blamed. On the East of Ukraine traditionally (from the USSR times) they blame Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians and foreigners from the West. Nevertheless, it is obvious that economic factor-based explanation is not enough. The Western Ukrainian case turns to the deeper historical and cultural roots of this phenomenon. Western Ukrainians have already got the image of enemy, they hand this image down from parents to children. In the situation of radical social change they use it more actively. Of course, the image Im speaking about is embodied in a Russian. This image is very well supported by the stereotypes. Russian is a symbol of enslavement of Soviets times (the attitudes to this on the East is much differs). I propose to take a look at the table, which is to present the xenophobia rates in Western and Eastern cities and villages. This will make it clearer if this difference between both regions xenophobia depends more on structural or historical/cultural reasons Ethnic or Ethnic-lingual group Western region Eastern region City Village City Village Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians 2,33 2,02 1,97 1,82 Russian-speaking Ukrainians 3,38 3,48 1,61 1,61 Russians 3,67 3,86 1,61 1,44 Figure 5. Xenophobia rate in Ukrainian city and village by regions (researches for 2005 and 2006).  [21]   The data from the table testify against the structural theory but not at all as we can mention the small difference between the citys and the villages xenophobia rates. It is also easy to notice that city and village from one region have more in common in their attitudes than villagers and townsmen from different parts of Ukraine. 3.2. Insecure majority To explain the phenomenon of xenophobia in both large Ukrainian ethnic-lingual groups Id like to turn to the theory presented by  K. Liebkind in 1996  [22]  . According to Liebkinds point of view minorities and majorities can be observed through the dimension into secure and insecure in order to investigate the way how minorities get along together with majority. I think that Ukrainian case fits in with this theory much. This theory sees two types of majorities and minorities in this perspective. The group of insecure majority is defined by the defensive internal identity, which is constructed on strong ethnic or national basis. Interacting with minority usually insecure majority declines their demands. Secure majoritys identification is vice-versa constructed on weak ethnic or national basis; moreover, it doesnt accent its own identity much. Obviously, this kind of majority respects the rights of minorities more and tries to fulfill their demands while including them into the society where they rule. The other side of this coin is minorities. Insecure minorities are opposite to insecure minorities, which were presented above. This group has a very weak ethnic or national basis, thats why their identifications construction goes beyond the scope of their group. In the case of insecure minority the assimilation is widespread while including them into the society ruled by majority. For the representatives of insecure minority the community of majority is the standard, which they strive for. In case, if assimilation as the only possible method of insecure minority inclusion fails, this group is supposed to be marginalized. The secure minority position is simpler as they admit their own particularity and wants to be recognized by the social majority. Its inner identification is built on the strong ethnic or national ground.  [23]   By-turn she noted that this scheme allows to invent different combinations of its components. He also mentioned that this distinction of majorities and minorities has another consequence while forming new states. If, for example, a secure minority happens to create its own state, its more likely that this minority will become an insecure intolerant majority.  [24]   Turning to Ukrainian case after the analysis of this scheme I realized that from the point of view of these categories in Ukraine we deal with two groups, one of which is insecure majority on the Western part of Ukraine, and another group is secure majority of the South-East of the country. Of course, this distinction is far from perfect as I assume there are no pure categories in real life, but anyway for the purposes of this essay Im able to make some generalizations on the basis of contemporary Ukrainian socio-political life. In XIX century the leaders and inspirers of Ukrainian national building considered the Western Ukraine to be Ukrainian Piedmont as Ukrainian national building was mostly promoted by Lviv. The national idea was the thing, which the West carried all the time in the interest of whole contemporary Ukraine. Even now this region is highly nationalistic (I will turn to this issue in the next part). As it was said above the identification of Western Ukrainians is based on high national profile. The radical right parties are highly popular there (this fact also has some correlation with xenophobia rate). It can be explained by historical path of this region. The situation is much different on the East. I consider Eastern Ukraine to be secure majority. It means that population of this region has no strong nationality-based identity, because its identity is citizenship-based (I will turn to this later in the next part). Eastern Ukrainians never cared much about the Ukrainian nationalism, b

Cosquer Cave Essay -- Place Descriptive Essays

Cosquer Cave Lying 125 feet below sea level, an historic treasure hid unseen to humans for thousands of years. Prehistoric humans first left their mark there nearly 27,000 years ago, but it was not until 1985 that modern humans discovered these treasures. This ancient landmark is now known as Cosquer Cave. It is a unique cave not only for the images found there, but also because of its unusual entrance. The cave is located on Cape Morgiou, in the Calanques, which is near Marseilles (â€Å"The Cosquer Cave†). Marseilles is in the south of France along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The only entrance to the cave is through a tunnel that is 125 feet below the water and 575 feet long (â€Å"Cosquer Grotto†). This long, sloping tunnel leads to the large, air-filled main chamber of the cave. Cosquer Cave is named after its discoverer, professional deep-sea diver Henri Cosquer. Cosquer discovered this cave by accident while on a dive in 1985. Although he visited the cave several times after the initial discovery, he was unable to reach the main chamber until September of 1985. Upon discovering the main chamber, he noticed calcite draperies, submerged stalagmites and crystals of aragonite, but nothing else. It was not until 1991 that Cosquer finally alerted officials of his discovery (Jaobs â€Å"Grotto Cosquer†). This was prompted by his finding of the first painting in the cave, a stenciled hand done in red. After notifying the officials, explorers began an intensive search for more artwork. Their findings were amazing. To date, there are about 125 documented images of animals, and fifty-five stenciled hands found in the cave (Jaobs â€Å"Grotto Cosquer†). As in many other caves, silhouettes and stencils o... .... â€Å"Archaeology: Cave Beneath the Sea.† http://daphne.palmar.edu/mhudelson/Videos/CaveBeneathSea_WA.html â€Å"Cassis, 27 000 years of prehistory and history: Cosquer’s Cave.† http://www.cassis.enprovence.com/anglais/histoire.html â€Å"The Cosquer Cave.† http://www.culture.fr/culture/archeosm/en/img0013.htm â€Å"The Cosquer Cave: Marine Animals.† http://www.culture.fr/culture/archeosm/en/co-ping.htm â€Å"Cosquer Grotto.† Harcourt School Publishers. http://www.harcourtschool.com/activity/cavepaintings/cosquer.html Duckeck, Jochen. â€Å"Grotte Cosquer.† http://www.bubis.com/showcaves/english/fr/caves/Cosquer.html Jaobs, James Q. â€Å"Grotto Cosquer: The Dawn of Prehistoric Rock Art.† http://www.geocites.com/archaeogeo/paleo/dawn.html

Same-sex Marriage in the Philippines

Most senatorial bets against same-sex marriage; Enrile is lone supporter ANDREO CALONZO, GMA NewsMarch 18, 2013 12:48pm 145 6 838 (Updated 11:17 p. m. ) Most senatorial bets for the May 2013 polls rejected the legalization of same-sex marriage in the Philippines, with Cagayan Rep. Jack Enrile the only candidate expressing support for gay union, interviews conducted by GMA News Online revealed. Twenty-four of the 33 senatorial hopefuls said they are not keen on giving same-sex couples the chance to get married in the country, where over 80 percent of the citizens are Roman Catholics.Bangon Pilipinas senatorial candidate Eddie Villanueva, a religious leader who founded the Jesus is Lord Church, said he is against same-sex marriage because it is against Biblical teachings. â€Å"Sabi ng Good Book, huwag gayahin ‘yung nangyari sa Sodom and Gomorrah dahil darating ang paggunaw sa isang bansa ‘pag ‘yun ay ginawa,† Villanueva said in an interview. Ang Kapatiran Part y senatorial bet Rizalito David, meanwhile, said same-sex marriage is â€Å"against natural law. † â€Å"Ang lalaki, ang mapapangasawa niya ay babae, at sila'y mag-aanak at dadami ang sangkatauhan. Yan ang naturang batas at hindi kailanman nagkaroon sa natural law na pwede ang parehong babae o parehong lalaki,† David said in a separate interview. David's party lists in its political platform a â€Å"spiritual dimension† to â€Å"seek first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness. † The issue on same-sex marriage recently came back to public attention with the election of a new head of the Roman Catholic Church, Pope Francis. As a cardinal, the new pontiff openly opposed a bill to legalize same-sex unions in Argentina. He even described child adoption by couples of the same-sex as a form of discrimination to the child. A chance for happiness' Only one senatorial hopeful, Cagayan Rep. Jack Enrile, said he supports the legalization of gay unions in the Phil ippines. â€Å"Let's give everybody a chance for happiness. Let us not discriminate. If it is your inclination to be happy with a man, why discriminate against that? † Enrile said in a separate interview. He said his view on same-sex marriage was influenced by the years he spent living in the United States. â€Å"I have seen in other countries couples of the same sex who have lived very upright lives and raised children,† he explained. Legal recognition' Makabayan senatorial hopeful and Bayan Muna Rep. Teodoro Casino, who did not have a categorical stand on the issue, said he is open to giving some sort of â€Å"legal recognition† to couples of the same sex. â€Å"It's something I still have to study and learn. I'm willing to hear both sides, what the benefits and disadvantages are. I have an open mind,† Casino said. Liberal Party senatorial bet Paolo Benigno â€Å"Bam† Aquino IV, who rejected same-sex marriage, meanwhile said he is open to giving â€Å"some rights† to â€Å"long-term† same-sex couples.Former Akbayan Rep. Risa Hontiveros, who is also running under the administration slate, for her part said she â€Å"upholds the rights of same-sex couples to form families,† but added that passing an anti-discrimination bill in the country may be the proper first step towards allowing gay unions in the Philippines. — DVM/RSJ, GMA News Don’t expect Obama’s endorsement of same-sex marriage to have an impact here. It was a historical and an inspiring gesture, one that would galvanize a changing cultural perspective on same-sex relationships inside and outside America.Here, it would spark debates on our readiness for same-sex marriage, but don’t hold your breath: it won’t alter anything here fundamentally. Don’t even think that this would suddenly lead President Aquino to push his allies in Congress to enact a law legalizing same-sex marriage. It just won’t happ en. This is not to say that the social attitudes and behavior of Filipinos toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage are not changing. They are, and social media has triggered a shift in how we digest controversial topics that in the past have been filtered and controlled by traditional institutions, such as the Church and our schools.I’m not saying that Filipinos are now more pro-LGBT, but the overall mood is changing, and there’s more openness to engage in an issue that is still otherwise considered taboo. Social media has democratized access to a wider range of narratives and stories on LGBTs and made them part of our common experiences, creating a climate that could help dismantle oppressive stereotypes about homosexuality. The bullying of LGBT kids in American schools, for instance, a Canadian transgender joining the Miss Universe, the coming out of Hollywood celebrities – these have all catalyzed conversations here.And while we know that these happened el sewhere, we have embraced the universal elements of these stories. More importantly, social media has given us access to participate in these conversations. To respond to a homophobic slur in the past meant writing press releases or letters to the editors, the fate of which would depend on the mood of the editors. Today, Facebook and Twitter could help anyone – the in-your-face LGBT activist, the closeted bakla, and their fag hags – push alternative perspectives on LGBTs, and influence how opinion gatekeepers and icons see the issue. Why the difficulty?If social attitudes are gradually shifting, why then is it hard to push for LGBT rights and same-sex marriage here in the Philippines? Many would automatically blame the Catholic taliban, and how it has been trying to control our political institutions. I think it is a wrong framing of the problem, and it grants the Catholic hierarchy a degree of influence that doesn’t exist. The Church has no control over public opinion, as proven by the continuing popularity of the RH Bill despite the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines's opposition to it and by the failure of the Catholic Church to mobilize the so-called â€Å"Catholic vote. What we perceive to be the Church’s political influence in fact indicates a fundamental weakness in our political institutions, a democratic flaw that makes our system beholden to interest groups like the Catholic taliban. The Church is powerful; the problem is that the state is weak. Legal recognition of same-sex partnerships, whether through marriage or civil unions, would not happen by engaging or reforming the Catholic hierarchy. It is after all the business of the Church hierarchy to be dogmatic, and we should just let it collapse under the weight of its internal contradictions.We should be engaging and reforming the state and make it modern, inclusive, and truly representative. Strategic battleground For the LGBT community, that would require a change in strategy. One, it means that LGBTs must reframe the debate on homosexuality along secular and non-religious terms. While I understand why Catholic LGBTs want to carve a more tolerant space within the Catholic faith, the more strategic battleground is in the Constitution, not the Bible.Same-sex marriage is understandably a sensitive religious issue, but it is above all about our sectarian values – about basic fairness and our constitutional rights, about human dignity regardless of the sex of the people we love. Two, we need to be more forthright about gay love and gay sex. For many years, LGBT activists have skirted the issue of same-sex partnerships and gay marriage as a non-priority, relegating it under more crucial issues, like discrimination in schools and the workplace.This sends the wrong signal – that same-sex partnerships are secondary and unimportant, when ironically the root of discrimination against LGBTs is the rejection of same-sex partnerships , both the sexual and romantic sides of it. We need to embrace gay sex and gay love and feel less guilty about them. A modern state, embracing gay sex and gay love. Who said that marriage is easy? – Rappler. com (The author is coordinator of Akbayan's LGBT Collective and a member of the Philippine National AIDS Council. ) BY JONAS BAGAS POSTED ON 05/11/2012 4:04 PM | UPDATED 05/13/2012 10:45 PMUpdated March 2013 Quick facts on key provisions State law and/or constitutional provision limits marriage to relationships between a man and a woman: Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California*, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming California voters adopted a constitutional provision li miting marriage to relationships between a man and a woman in November 2008. This provision was challenged in federal court and ruled unconstitutional. Enforcement of this decision has been delayed pending a U. S. Supreme Court decision on the case. Supreme Court hearings are scheduled for March 2013 and a decision is expected by June 2013. State issues marriage licenses to same-sex couples: Connecticut, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont, Washington and the District of ColumbiaStates allows civil unions, providing state-level spousal rights to same-sex couples: Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, New Jersey, Rhode Island Three of these states (Delaware, Hawaii and Illinois) also have laws limiting marriage to relationships between a man and a woman. Note: In Connecticut, Vermont and New Hampshire, same-sex marriage has replaced civil unions. State grants nearly all state-level spousal rights to unmarried couples (domestic partnerships)*: California, Neva da, Oregon, Washington** **Effective June 30, 2014 domestic partnerships in Washington will be limited to couples who are 62 years of age or older.State provides some state-level spousal rights to unmarried couples (domestic partnerships)*: Hawaii, Maine, Wisconsin and the District of Columbia State legislatures have been deeply involved in the public debates about how to define marriage and whether the official recognition of â€Å"marriage† should be limited to relationships involving one man and one woman or that same-sex couples should also be entitled to â€Å"marriage. † State legislatures have gone both ways in this debate: either enacting â€Å"defense of marriage† laws and constitutional provisions or, going the opposite direction, adopting laws allowing same sex marriage.Five states have adopted civil unions for same-sex couples that provide the same legal rights as marriage. Most states have adopted prohibitions of same-sex marriage. Most states do so by adopting â€Å"defense of marriage† language that defines marriage in their state constitution and/or state law in a way similar to the language in the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) —â€Å"the word ‘marriage' means only a legal union between one man and one woman as husband and wife. † Other states prohibit same sex marriages or marriages between persons of the same sex or gender.Thirty states have placed that language in their state constitutions (26 of these states also have statutory provisions adopting this language). A further eight states have statutory language adopting the restrictive language. Note that this count does include California, where federal courts have invalidated a 2008 initiative that added constitutional language defining marriage as limited to unions involving one man and one woman. The challenge to that constitutional provision is to be heard by the U. S. Supreme Court in 2013. Nine states and the District of Columbia currently allow same-sex marriages.In Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Iowa, the states’ highest courts ruled that the state constitution required that same-sex couples be accorded the same marriage rights as opposite-sex couples. In Vermont, New Hampshire, the District of Columbia and New York, Maryland and Washington, legislative bodies have passed statutory changes that allow same-sex marriages. In Maine, the legislature passed a same-sex marriage law in 2009, which was repealed in a voter referendum. In 2012, Maine voteres reversed course and approved a same-sex marriage statute. Same-sex marriages are currently being performed in those states.Several states have also expanded the legal rights available to spouses in same-sex relationships while also limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples with civil unions and domestic partnerships. Same Sex Marriages in the Philippines (Affrmative) Resolved: Same sex marriages should be legalized in the Philippines. Let me start with a quote. If homosexuality is a disease, let's all call in queer to work: â€Å"Hello. Can't work today, still queer. † That was by Robin Tyler. Instead of saying hey, I’m pulling off a sickie today, you say hey, sorry if I can’t go to work—I’m still gay. Can you imagine that kind of situation?If so, let’s start asking ourselves today. Why do homosexuals have to be discriminated anyway? Do they harm you or anyone in the society you live in? Same sex marriages have been an issue in the Philippines for a long time now, but since we live in a predominantly Christian country, people simply avoid further discussion of such. According to the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of Philippines, Article 2, Section 6; the separation of the church and state shall be inviolable. Meaning, no matter how grave the social issue may be, the church can never contradict the decision of the government and vice versa.It has been widely understood that the Roman Cat holic church will always be against same sex marriages considering the fact that their beliefs and principles are based from the sacred scripture. However, citizens who do not opt to engage into religious ceremonies have the option to be conjugated by means of civil wedding. It has been said under Article 7 of The Family Code of the Philippines, that marriage may be officiated by a person other than a priest, rabbi, imam or minister. Included are any incumbent members of the judiciary within the court's jurisdiction.